Can the NEP face the globalization challenges?
I spoke at a forum held at the Bar Council debate. Amoung the speakers included YB Datuk Kamaruddin Jaafar MP for Tumpat and also the sec-Gen of PAS, YB Dato’ Sharir Abdul Samad MP of Johore Baru and Tian Chua of KeADILan
The debate was co-organized by jointly by Youth For Change(Y4C), Young Lawyers Bar and Persatuan Bahasa Tioghua Almuni USM.The topic for debate was “Can the NEP face up with the globalization challenges ” at 8pm, Bar Council, Kuala Lumpur
The New Economic Policy (NEP) came into being after the racial riots in 1969. When introduced in 1971 it was a formidable policy shift of the government basically meant to address the unequal income disparity of the races then. Thus with a single blow the NEP was formulated to reduce income disparity among different races/ ethnic group in Malaysia .
The initial life span of the NEP was for 20 years but this affirmative action policy continued after 1990 under a new and different name, namely the New Development Policy.
These affirmative actions were aimed to increase the economic social and education standards so that the Bumiputeras are on par with the non-bumiputeras.
Poverty was wide spread in the 60’s. We can understand the need for an affirmative action then. But the question is has the NEP achieved the set target it was set up for?
Conflicting Bumiputera equity ownership
In March2006 while delivering his speech in Parliament the Prime Minister stated that the bumiputera equity ownership of the Malaysian the economy was only 18.9%. Thus the focus and thrust and underlying principles on which the 9thMalaysian Plan was based was on this illusive statistic of 18.9%. ASLI came out with figures suggesting the Bumiputers have surpassed the 30% equity target and are now 45% equity ownership. It was later revealed by an academic Dr. M Fazilah Abdul Samad that the 30% bumi equity ownership as targeted by the government’s new Economic policy had been achieved about 10 years ago. In November06 the Deputy Finance Minister Dr.Awang Adek informed parliament that bumputera equity ownership was 36.64% as at December 06. It was quickly corrected by Minister Effendi Norwawi who stressed that the earlier figure of Awang Adik was wrong and the actual figure was 21.8%. Now, who are to believe?
In view of the contradictions in the government’s bumiputera equity ownership figures, will the government review the 9th Malaysian Plan on which basis the plan was formulated.
Direct consequences and the ensuing drawbacks of the NEP
i) What has happened to the roaring Malaysian economy, which was considered an Asian tiger economy in 1970’s.
ii) We have thousands of graduates produced by local universities who are unemployable. Why?
iii) Lack of openness and competition results in red tape and kickbacks, and under the table monies is the order of the day. Because of favoritism bureaucratic inefficiency and the inherent weakness in the implementation in the polices of the government we have a situation where the high cost factor results in inefficiency.
iv) Corruption is a way of life in all sectors of the economy and it affects all of us one way or the other. Malaysia has slipped from 39th to 44th place in the recent release of the corruption perception Index, we also have a situation of cultural acceptance of corruption
v) Little Napoleons are running the system of government. The recent case of the Zakaria of Klang is in point just one exmpale.
vi) Milking of the NEP. Many individuals in the name of NEP have become super rich. Case in point is when Approval Permits (AP’s) were dished out to selected individual in the name of NEP
vii) Lack of openness in the system. – No open tender system practiced Why? Toll concession agreements cannot be made known to the public? Why the secrecy as this leads one to believe there is something to hide!
Will the government dismantle the NEP? No doubt the NEP has served its purposes. But the NEP’s noble intentions have been defeated as the economic disparity of the various races is widening.
The government has empathically announced in Parliament that the NEP will not be dismantled or abolished as “until the agenda to achieve national unity is realized” The Government only relies and affirms the need for national unity when it is caught in a quandary and it is in a defenseless situation. Thus the NEP is known as a Never Ending Policy. It is good and proper that we still talk about national unity, if talking reflects concern for the need for unity, for the fact that unity still seems to be rather illusive after a half century, and for the realization implies that uniformity is not unity but that, as the late great poet and writer of Asia, Rabindranath Tagore of Bengal, India, pointed out, unity could only come about through differences.
The Indian Dilemma
The Indian community constitutes about 7 per cent of the total population of Malaysia . With having been through almost 50 years of independence as a nation and people, the Indian community has been left so far behind other Malaysia communities, with the possible exception of the Orang Asli and two of three native communities in Sabah and Sarawak ?
Malaysian Indians today have the notorious record of being the best out performers in that they have the highest unemployment rate, the highest alcoholic rate,the highest single-mother rate, the highest suicidal rate, the highest percentage in the involvement of crime nearly 33%, nearly 50% of all detainees at Simpang Renggang are Indians, highest numbers of beggars and highest child abuse cases are also Indians.
With all this it’s no wonder the Indians have been refereed to the new under class. Many have warned then that a “new time-bomb” was ticking in Malaysia if Malaysian Indians “continue to be an underclass in our society without an urgent national remedial blueprint”.
In August 2000 TIME magazine describe Malaysian Indians as a “disgruntled underclass”, with many of them feeling like “third-class citizens” in Malaysia and “real losers” since the introduction of the New Economic Policy 30 years ago.
How has the NEP really benefited the Indians? Who will uplift the economic well being of the Indians? The NEP has marginalized the Indians to the extent that unless the government does take proactive measures things are going to be worse.
The government has said they intend to increase the economic equity of the Indians from 1.2% to 3% to the year 2020. This is too little too. Why did the government fail to ensure that the promised 3% be achieved by 2010, as originally promised? What were the implementers and the Economic Planning Unit (EPU) in the Prime Minister’s Department doing or not doing? What guarantee that this newly proposed target will not be merely another dream by 2020?
The Malaysian Indian community is generally an aggrieved community, whatever success materially which might have been achieved by some individual Malaysian Indian businessmen, politicians and professionals.
In socio-economic terms, Malaysian Indians as a community collectively suffer a kind of double indemnity; they are not Bumiputeras, and there are no systematic and substantial programmes and schemes and projects to uplift them, because some well- to-do individuals in the community are deliberately pulling wool over everybody’s eyes that the entire Malaysian Indian community is okay. Some even proceed with the canard that, yes, some of them are poor, but none is desperately so. Hence, the powers-that-be is lured into believing that no urgency is needed for the Malaysian Indian community, because they are in no dire straits.
However, sadly and dangerously, the facts and figures tell a different tale of deprivation and frustration in and among the community.
As University Malaya’s technology and innovation Professor Rajah Rasiah has agreed, the New Economic Policy (NEP)’s flaw was the focus on one ethnic group rather than empowering the poor across the board. Poverty among all races must be eradicated. Or will it be another 50 years of neglect and discrimination. Until perhaps the pot boils over? Or, until the Malaysian Indian time bomb explodes?
The newly launched National Education Blueprint promises a commitment to reduce racial polarization and to improve national integration. Very good! Congratulations! But how?
Racial polarization does not simply happen. It is caused. Improving national integration dose not simply happen by itself; it has to be caused. There must be concrete and sincere steps and methods and efforts to realize these laudable goals. But these goals also do not become reality in a vacuum. They too depend on the principles of justice, equity and fairplay. And, if I may add, with freedom rather than regimentation and autocracy, and the undemocratic and unreasonable insistence that uniformity be imposed at the expense of differences. When terms like “plural society’ and “interfaith’ have become dirty words among some sections of our society, then we are in serious trouble. We must immediately sit up and see how to resolve such problems amicably, within the framework of the rule of law and the sanctity of the federal Constitution.
The Malaysian Indians need help socially and economically NOW, not tomorrow, for tomorrow can mean another 50 years. Let not our lovely and bountiful country degenerate into a fractured society like Sri Lanka , where the Tamils have to fight for their dignity and self-respect after decades of neglect, insult and discrimination by the majority Singhalese, and killed and bullied by State violence. In conclusion, I’d like to say: National Unity needs substances not rhetoric. And the substance must include justice and equity for Malaysian Indians, as it does for all open Malaysians.
Final Analysis
The poor have been left behind in the pursuit of the economic success of the country. Poverty need to be addressed. It’s a fallacy to presume that the Malays are the only ones who need help to get out of the crutches of poverty. Other ethnic groups in Malaysia too have many poor, poverty is colour blind. Thus policies of affirmative action are needed to help all to up lift them economically.
Malaysia has entered into the final stages of the FTA agreement discussion with the US . We live in a borderless world. The world is getting smaller and with globalization and free trade NEP cannot be justified any more. If the NEP is kept in tack it just meant to strengthen the rich and the affluent politicians in this country.


Much political capital has been made by UMNO politicians on the Income Disparity Ratios between Chinese and Malays, to impress that because there is a significant disparity between Chinese and Malays, that there is justification for continuation of racial policies ie NEP, to continue giving privileges to Malays.
In the 12th August 2007 online version of utusan.com.my,
See link here:
http://tinyurl.com/2v36nl
“Jangan rasa bersalah bela agama, bangsa”
Mohd Khir Toyo was quoted as saying,
“‘‘Bagi setiap ringgit yang orang Melayu dapat, orang Cina dapat RM1.64 dan orang India RM1.30. Jurang pendapatan penduduk bandar dan luar bandar lagi lebar, hari ini saya difahamkan setiap ringgit orang luar bandar dapat, RM2.90 orang bandar dapat,’’ katanya.”
Simply using the figures provided by Mohd Khir Toyo, as in the news article above,
ie:
IDR of Malay:Chinese:Indian = 1: 1.64: 1.30
and
IDR Urban: Rural = 2.90 : 1
(I assume that the Urban Rural IDR is for ALL races in urban areas vs ALL in rural areas.)
From the second IDR statement, it is evident that
for every RM1.00 that a rural person makes, an urban person makes RM2.90.
I’m not sure why Khor Toyo wanted to highlight that figure of 2.90, but perhaps it was to highlight that the Chinese, being predominantly urban, made much more money than the poor rural folk. Perhaps it was also propaganda to impress upon the audience (UMNO Bahagian Batu Gajah) that there were NO rural Chinese, and therefore no poor Chinese?
However, imho, he may NOT have realised by highlighting this 2.90 figure, it serves to point out that the real disparity is NOT between Chinese and Malay, BUT instead between Urban Malay and Rural Malay!
Let’s take the following figures as basis for calculation:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Malaysia
The html file can be saved as html and opened in MS Excel.
The actual numbers for population of ethnic groups and rural-urban groups can be calculated easily in an Excel,
deriving from the total state populations and percentages given.
Total Msia population: 23 million
Total Malay population: 15.25million
Total Chinese population: 6.01million
Total Indian population: 1.75million
The total rural population is about 8.87million,
and total urban population is about 14.47million.
From Khir Toyo’s impression, almost all the rural folk are Malays,
ie of the 15.25million Malays, 8.85million are Rural Malays, 6.40 million are Urban Malays.
(Means that there are as many Urban Malays as there are Chinese, who are almost all urban.)
(Assume also for calculation that ALL Indians are urban.)
From the above, for every RM1.00 which the Rural person makes, the Urban chap makes RM2.90.
That means that the total made in that year by ALL “Rural+Urban” persons would be
=(RM1 X 8.84million) + (RM2.90 X 14.47million)
= RM 50.82million
Using the same calculation, the total amount made by all races:
Total Malay + Total chinese + Total Indian
=(RM1 X 15.25million) + (RM1.64 X 6.01million) + (RM1.30 X1.75million)
=RM27.38million
SO THAT WE CAN COMPARE the inter ethnic IDR together with the rural-urban IDR,
we should change the base for the total amounts made by all the races, to be the same as that for rural-urban IDR
(this would NOT change the ratios):
Therefore, instead of RM1, the relative amounts made by each ethnic group is:
Malay RM1.87 (RM1.00 X 50.82/27.38)
Chinese RM3.07 (RM1.64 X 50.82/27.38)
Indian RM2.43 (RM1.30 X 50.82/27.38)
Put another way, the TOTAL amounts made by the different ethnic groups:
Total Malay = RM1.87 X 15.25million = RM28.30million
Total Chinese= RM3.07 X 6.01million = RM18.29million
Total Indian = RM2.43 X 1.75million = RM4.23million
(Total= RM50.82million)
HOWEVER, WE MUST REMEMBER THAT, IN THIS CALCULATION, the initial base amount for the “Rural-vs-Urban” calculation STILL STANDS, since we have already adjusted for it!
ie, if the total amount made is RM50.82million, the total amount made by the 8.84million Rural Malays is STILL RM8.84million.
{Rural Malays is just a subset of Total Malays}
HOW MUCH THEN, DO THE URBAN Malays MAKE?
Taking the total made by ALL Malays, ie RM28.30million, and subtracting RM8.84 million which the Rural Malays make,
would be how much the Urban Malays make.
THIS IS A WHOPPING RM19.46 million!
Which is more than what the urban Chinese make!
IN FACT, IF WE WERE TO DIVIDE THE RM19.46 million by the 6.40 million Urban Malay (Total Malay 15.25mil - Rural Malay 8.84mil = 6.40million Urban Malays),
they would be getting RM3.04!
That means that for every RM1 that a rural Bumiputera makes,
an Urban Bumiputera makes RM3.04!
So, WHAT IS THE BIG DEAL ABOUT THE CHINESE MAKING RM1.64 FOR EVERY RM1.00 WHICH THE MALAY MAKES?!
It is the difference between Urban and Rural which accounts for much of the disparity.
Of course, even amongst the Urban Bumiputera, I’m sure that there is a wide disparity - one single Datuk with an Istana of his own, will skew the income for maybe a hundred of his neighbours!
Let’s hope that the rakyat finally will see who is the bogeyman eating up his share of the economic pie.
Let us compare Urban Chinese with Urban Bumiputera, and not (urban) Chinese with ALL Bumiputera.
That would be an unfair comparison, as with any non-communist country, esp one which is rapidly developing, there is bound to be significant urban-rural income disparity.
To try to achieve Chinese-Bumiputera income equality would be an impossibility, unless ALL of the Bumiputeras become Urban!
You will note that, in the calculation above, an important assumption is made, on the basis that
“ALL Chinese are urban,
and ALL Rural are Malay.”
Obviously, this cannot be strictly true.
HOWEVER, it is my humble opinion that, even if the real figures are used (can anyone from the Statistics Dept provide them?), the greater disparity will still be more evident between Urban-Rural rather than between Chinese-Malay.
Therefore, using a Chinese-Malay disparity is spurious, even dishonest, because if we were to use Urban Malay-Rural Malay comparison, it will also show up a marked disparity.
Therefore, to continue to point to a Chinese-Malay disparity to justify Racial Policies, is plain dishonest.
There may still, however be a slight disparity between Urban Chinese and Urban Malay, but this should not be substantial enough to justify any major policies changes to correct it.
Comment by dranony — August 17, 2007 @ 1:24 am